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北歐眾神

為了解決矮軸cherry的問題，作者NeilGaiman 這樣論述：

我要告訴你們世界如何滅亡，以及世界又是如何重新開始； 我要告訴你們的是黑暗的日子和隱藏的事物， 有關大地毀滅和眾神之死―― 那是一切終結的開始。 　　故事之神的靈感，來自深暗的北方大地， 　　奇幻文學的雛型，來自英勇的北歐眾神！ 　　知名作家尼爾‧蓋曼出道二十餘年，在出版無數暢銷作後，回歸創作初衷，化身說書人，對讀者重述影響他最深的靈感來源――北歐神話。尼爾•蓋曼從大地仍一片荒蕪、萬事萬物仍不存在的時刻說起。他描述奧丁與其手足的出生，以及他們為了擁有宇宙、生命與未來，殺死困住自己的巨人；他寫到奧丁創造人類，並創造供人類居住的米德嘉世界，並為求取智慧獻上一眼。蓋曼寫下索爾每一次勇敢的冒險

，每一個魯莽的決定，還有那柄得心應手的戰鎚從何而來。當然，他也沒有忘了洛基――謊言之神、詭辯之神。假使洛基決定與你結盟，你將感到幸運；若你不幸與他為敵，你將後悔萬分。 　　跟隨蓋曼的文字，你會感到自己彷彿順著世界樹的樹根，造訪北歐神話中的九個世界；你可以感受阿斯嘉震懾神與人的氣勢，畏懼行走於約頓海姆間的冰霜巨人，讚嘆居住在奧弗海姆的光明精靈的美貌，或因不敢直視地底的亡者國度而別開眼神。 　　最後，當諸神的守護者海姆達爾吹響號角，「諸神黃昏」――世界終結之時即將來臨。無論眾神身在何處、無論他們睡得有多沉，一定會醒來，整裝前去參與這最後的一戰。 　　眾神注定一死，然而，唯有死亡使所有生命變得

可能。 　　這就是結束。 　　但新時代也將在結束之後來臨。 名人推薦 　　奇幻科幻作家 伍薰 　　文字工作者 臥斧 　　作家 馬欣 　　中華科幻學會理事 馬立軒 　　怪獸文字工作者 唐澄暐 　　交通大學外文系講座教授 馮品佳 　　作家 陳栢青 　　――推薦 　　蓋曼用現代風格的輕鬆幽默述說故事，《北歐眾神》描繪出眾神間爾虞我詐的鬥智，同時刻劃他們的英武神勇，讀來趣味橫生。――《波士頓環球報》 　　除了尼爾‧蓋曼以外，還有誰能擔任天神的同謀，運用文字的巫術來使天神的故事改頭換面？《美國眾神》的作者將北歐神話故事轉化成令大人小孩都上癮的讀物，他充滿能量的強勢重述保留了北歐世界的不朽輝煌，

但同時也將之變為一個使人能接近的世界，充滿逗趣機智和黑暗趣味。――《格林童話註釋版》翻譯暨編輯瑪麗亞‧塔塔爾 　　數百年來，源自《散文艾達》與《詩歌艾達》的迷人古老故事，總是需要才華洋溢的說書人來替它們注入新生命。尼爾‧蓋曼以豐沛的熱情重新述說迷人的北歐神話，沒人比得上他。蓋曼深刻地瞭解奧丁、索爾、洛基和其他天神的衝突，他透過個人想像的描述，將這些故事賦予新生。他對於重要北歐神話故事的詮釋，將吸引讀者進入奇異的領域，使他們眼花繚亂、迷惘困惑，並進而對北歐神話故事有新的體悟。――《諾頓兒童文學選輯》編輯傑克‧齊普斯 　　引人入勝、懸疑刺激又相當了不起的神話再現之作。一旦你被蓋曼經過千錘百鍊的

文字和熟練的說故事技巧吸住，你會情不自禁一直讀下去。――《華盛頓郵報》 　　二十一世紀風格揉合千年北歐神話，蓋曼再次以他的文采為現代讀者創造出全新的類型。――《新聞週刊》 　　蓋曼重新詮釋古代寓言的筆觸如此忠實，又添加豐富的閱讀樂趣。蓋曼擔任了吟遊詩人的角色，帶著我們在寒冷冬夜聚在熱呼呼的爐火邊，跟他一起歡笑、一同天馬行空。――金融時報 　　極品之作……蓋曼版本的北歐神話給了維京民族一個令人迷醉其中的當代面貌。――大西洋月刊

矮軸cherry進入發燒排行的影片

美國有限電視新聞網（CNN）報導台灣形象之框架分析（1990-2011）

為了解決矮軸cherry的問題，作者方怡文 這樣論述：

摘要本研究是個跨領域的題目，除了大眾傳播理論外，也從美中臺關係和外交政治領域汲取能量。挑選《美國有線電視新聞網》(CNN)代表美國媒體作個案研究；檢視1990年4月18日到2011年9月31日為止的CNN美國版資料庫，考察每天新聞報導裡出現的臺灣報導是以何種框架形塑臺灣形象傳播給美國人，使得媒介框架內化成社會的刻板印象形成意識型態的共識。本研究試圖考察CNN報導臺灣反映的框架與形象的建構，嘗試摸索媒介框架和美國的臺灣外交政策之間存在的結構性層次相關關係。本文分析CNN編輯政策在臺灣3位總統任期間是否出現變化的軌跡以及由於CNN強大的國際傳播力報導臺灣的框架選擇，最終形成強化或者醜化臺灣國家形

象的樣態。採用內容分析的量化研究方法和Entman的層級活化模型方法探討CNN如何報導台灣。以系統抽樣方法，從4,798個母數抽出1,100百個樣本研究。用卡方檢定(Chi-square)，方差分析(ANOVA)，Post Hoc事後多重檢驗-- Bonferroni法和Gamma統計量測驗進行編碼資料的分析。本文以Entman的層級活化模型研究發現，雖然捍衛最佳國家利益的看法不同，「媒介框架」和「政策框架」曾在形塑民意過程中出現「媒介框架」不同意「政策框架」的交鋒，不過，CNN編輯政策習慣反映美國官方立場，最終「媒介報導框架」總和「政策框架」趨於一致。此外，研究也發現CNN對精英或公眾參與詮

釋新聞事件框架的把關嚴格，但是卻引用很多政府官員跟媒體在內的公司、企業的新聞事件框架，以上發現達顯著水準，說明媒體和有權力者之間存在著依附關係--媒體屈服於權勢和金錢的本質並不意外。在3位總統間，CNN編輯政策沒有顯著差異。但是，李登輝總統時期導言中出現「臺灣」的比例比陳水扁總統時期及馬英九時期多，達很顯著水準；陳總統時期和馬總統時期導言中出現「臺灣」的比例則差不多。在馬總統時期CNN以「評論」方式報導臺灣的比例最低，陳總統時期採用「評論」報導臺灣的比例又比李總統時期來的少；以上差異達非常顯著水準。在「標題」方面，李總統時期和陳總統時期CNN報導在標題出現「臺灣」最多的是政治新聞，但到馬總統時

期標題出現「臺灣」字樣最多的是文化、社會和災難新聞，以上發現達到非常顯著水準。CNN習慣以臺灣不為主、以美國為中心的方式報導臺灣新聞，陳總統時期以臺灣為主的報導大增，主要集中於報導陳總統衝撞美中臺關係紅線的新聞；而馬總統時期CNN報導較多「美中」或「兩岸」新聞，以上差異達非常顯著水準。CNN報導臺灣主要引用美國消息來源，不過，陳總統時期引用最多臺灣消息報導，因為陳總統成為CNN報導中的爭議性人物，所以CNN引用臺灣消息報導的比例增加。到馬總統時期雖然引用臺灣消息報導的比例下降，然而和李總統時期比較起來還是明顯增加，以上差異檢定達非常顯著水準。CNN報導臺灣在3位總統間發現CNN報導臺灣採用越來

越多自行採訪的方式；但是，報導傾向有越來越和臺灣疏離的趨勢。CNN報導臺灣框架態度傾向：政治新聞框架為民主的、正面的、美臺關係友善的，美對臺看法好的；陳水扁總統時期比李登輝總統時期正面；李登輝總統時期又比馬英九總統時期正面，以上差異達非常顯著水準。財經新聞框架為發達的、建設性的、美臺關係是讚的，美看臺關係是優的；陳水扁總統時期CNN報導臺灣框架比李登輝總統時期正面，李登輝總統時期又比馬英九總統時期正面，其中，發達、建設性、財經美臺關係框架差異未達顯著水準，只有美對臺看法框架差異達非常顯著水準。CNN報導臺灣社會新聞的框架為先進的、正的、美臺關係近的，美對臺看法好的；陳水扁總統時期CNN報導臺灣

框架比李登輝總統時期正面，李登輝總統時期CNN報導臺灣框架又比馬英九總統時期正面，以上差異檢定除美對臺關係外達顯著或非常顯著水準。CNN報導臺灣藝文新聞框架為進步的、正向的、美臺關係棒的，美對臺看法文明的；CNN報導臺灣新聞在陳水扁總統和馬英九總統時期使用一樣多的正面框架，李登輝總統時期CNN報導臺灣使用最少的正面框架；但在藝文新聞的美對臺看法上，差異的排序是陳水扁總統時期使用最多正面報導框架，接著是馬英九總統時期，最後是李登輝總統時期，以上除了「進步的」框架達很顯著水準外，其餘未達顯著水準。CNN報導臺灣國家形象分4類，臺灣政治、財經、社會國家形象排名依序為陳水扁總統時期，李登輝總統時期及馬

英九總統時期；在藝文國家形象的排名則為陳水扁總統時期，馬英九總統時期及李登輝總統時期。以上除了財經國家形象未達顯著水準外，其餘臺灣國家形象差異均達顯著水準。Entman的層級活化模型分析發現，小布希總統對臺政策特別友善導致陳水扁總統時期CNN報導臺灣框架比其他2位總統時期對臺灣的報導使用更多正面的框架。關鍵字：國家形象、新聞框架、CNN AbstractThe study uses an interdisciplinary approach, drawing on research from Mass Communications, U.S.-China-Taiwan relations, a

nd International Diplomatic studies. It considers CNN-U.S. stories covering Taiwan from April 18, 1990 to September 31, 2011which use discourses of framing and broadcasting to shape the image of Taiwan for Americans via daily news coverage; these discourses stereotype Taiwan through the use of metap

hors of ideologies creating a consensus in American society on the image of Taiwan. The study aims to outline the relational nature and hierarchical structure of the framing tendency and the image building reflected in the construction of CNN coverage as well as the United States foreign policy on T

aiwan.The study also analyzes CNN editorial policy regarding reporting on Taiwan due to CNN's powerful international broadcast capability which could eventually enhance or disgrace the Taiwanese national image, and examine how much difference and change if any, actually exists among three presidenci

es of Taiwan.This paper explored how CNN covers Taiwan in both quantitative content analysis and Entman's cascading activation model in terms of methodology. One thousand and one hundred samples were drawn from a 4,798 population in a systematic sampling technology. Chi-square, ANOVA, Post Hoc multi

ple test in Bonferroni, and Gamma test statistical means were applied.CNN's editorial policy reflects official stances of the United States most of the time. According to Entman's model, sometimes media framing policy conflicts with the governmental policy framing in defense of what is believed to b

e the best national interests; but both frames would agree with each other eventually. Much more framing control is held by the media, non-media corporations and government rather than either the elites or the public. The media comply with the authorities, the wealthy, people with power, which is of

unsurprising.There is no significant statistic difference found in CNN's editorial policy towards the three presidents. However, 'Taiwan' is mentioned more in the Lead during President Lee's era in comparison with President Chen or President Ma, which reaches a statistically significant difference.

Yet, there is no statistical difference found in a comparison of the use of 'Taiwan' between President Chen's era and President Ma's era. There are significant statistical differences revealed when looking at the amount of commentary found in the terms of the presidents; in President Ma's era, comm

entary was the least; President Chen's era had more than Ma's, but less than President Lee's era. Headlines more often highlighted 'Taiwan' during President Lee's and President Chen's eras in CNN's coverage of Taiwan. More cultural, social and disaster news referenced 'Taiwan' in the headlines durin

g President Ma's era. These findings reach a very significant level.CNN is not accustomed to telling Taiwan-centered stories, instead using American-centered coverage of news about Taiwan. A significant increase in Taiwan-centered stories occured in President Chen's era in reporting on Taiwan, mainl

y due to President Chen's attempt to challenge the status quo in US-China-Taiwan relations; CNN reported more news covering the American-Taiwanese relationship as well as across the strait news in President Ma's era. The above findings reach a very significant difference statistically. CNN mainly us

es U.S. sources when it covers Taiwan, but President Chen's era was the exception since he was viewed as a controversial figure by CNN, so that CNN had to use more Taiwanese as the most-cited sources when reported President Chen. Fewer Taiwanese sources were utilized during President Ma's era in cov

ering Taiwan in comparison with President Chen's, but Taiwanese sources increased in CNN coverage of Taiwan substantially when compared with President Lee's era, which reached a very much significant difference level.Research findings reveal that from the beginning of Lee's era through Ma's era, CNN

moved from using other sources predominantly to using primarily their own reporting sources; but there is another tendency as well. CNN's framing of Taiwan changed in tone: the dominant tone is of democratic and positive in political news with friendly U.S.-Taiwan relations as well as a good percep

tion of Taiwan. CNN covers Taiwan with more positive framings in President Chen's era than in President Lee's, while President Lee's era is also found to be more positively represented than President Ma's, with differences that reach a very significant level. The framing is developed and constructiv

e in financial news and applauds U.S.-Taiwan relations, as well as shows an excellent perception of Taiwan. CNN covers Taiwan with more positive framings in President Chen's time than in President Lee's, while President Lee's term also is found to be more positive than President Ma's term, with diff

erences haven't reach statistical significance in the categories of developed, constructive, and U.S. relations framings; only the perception reached a very significant level. The framing is advanced and positive in social news, with a closer U.S.-Taiwan relationship, as well as a good perception of

Taiwan. CNN covers Taiwan with more positive framings in President Chen's era than in President Lee's, while President Lee's era is more positive than President Ma's. A very significant difference level is found in the above findings, except in U.S.-Taiwan relations in CNN coverage of Taiwanese soc

ial news. The framing is progressive and positive in cultural news with good relations as well as a civilized perception of Taiwan. The same number of positive framings were used in President Chen's and President Ma's eras, while the least positive framing was utilized for coverage of Taiwan during

President Lee's era. However, CNN covered Taiwan using more positive frames in President Chen's era than President Lee's, while more positive frames on perception in President Ma's era than President Lee's. Only the framing of 'progress' reaches a very significant level. The other three frames do n

ot reach a statistically significant level.There are four categories of Taiwanese national images in this study: Taiwan's political, financial, social, and cultural national images. CNN reported Taiwan's national image best during President Chen's term, the second best was President Lee's term, and

President Ma's term is the last in terms of political, financial, and social national images. President Chen's term sees the most positive cultural national image of Taiwan; President Ma's term is second, and President Lee's term is the last. All of these Taiwan national images show differences betw

een the presidencies which reach the significant level except Taiwan's financial national image. Entman's model suggests that the differences can be accounted for by the impact of President Bush's policies towards Taiwan, in which President Chen's era has a more positive framing than the other two e

ras.