國家存在的意義的問題，透過圖書和論文來找解法和答案更準確安心。 我們找到下列線上看、影評和彩蛋懶人包

The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty

為了解決國家存在的意義的問題，作者Daron Acemoglu,James A. Robinson 這樣論述：

　　《國家為什麼會失敗》作者──克拉克獎得主最新力作 　　自由不是一份張開雙手就能獲得的天賦之禮， 　　它存在於一條狹窄的長廊，建立國家與社會的力量彼此牽制相衡 　　我們深信自由享於世上每一個人類，無論表達、行動、選擇；自由意謂著我們不受其他人與力量的宰制，更無須時時生活於脅迫及恐懼的暗影之下。然而，綜觀人類數千年歷史，自由根本稱不上是與生俱來的天賦人權。勢微者難以和強權者抗衡，充滿衝突戰爭，受著種種文化陳俗的限制壓迫。 　　當人們尋找和平安定，逐步建立共識打造出國家，讓它調停紛爭，並實現個人一己之力所不能完成的建設、服務與制度。卻發現，國家是個善變而不穩定的制度，弱小的國家可能被其他

強國侵略，無力保護人民，讓日子墜回內亂動盪；強國，則可能走向獨裁並偏好權勢團體，侵害與無視人民的意志及福祉，使人們依然生活在壓迫之中。無論在哪一種狀態，自由都依然只是夢想。 　　兩位作者透過回溯過往的歷史，得出這條命題：自由，從不是從一條康莊大道翩來到，從此穩固安適，而是在國家與社會，兩者綿長而永不停歇的彼此拉鋸、牽制中而生。唯有在兩股力量之間尋得珍貴而脆弱的平衡，這條如履薄冰的窄道，就是自由所居之處。 　　破除西方樂觀的迷思──相信孕育於啟蒙時代，而今我們已建立完善的制度維繫國家與社會的力量平衡，為自由找到穩定的道路──作者認為這種說法過於不切實際。隨著世界不斷變遷進步，人民需求亦將不斷

改變，要求國家提供更好的體制、權力與更自由平等的生活；同樣，國家也因變化，要求人們提供更多資源與賦權，面對挑戰。在這兩相抗衡，雙方都會試圖茁壯，以持續在生存的窄道中佔一席之地，自由的脆弱，及它永遠處在進行式的本質，從中不辯自明。 　　檢視歷史上不同國家的制度建立和演變，為我們描繪出自由如何建立在國家與社會、經濟與政治、菁英與市民、部門與準則等各種關係的脆弱平衡中，其中不可少的關鍵要素，解析為何有些國家能持續在自由的狹廊中前行，又為何有些國家稍有不慎，便脫離其存在的窄道。 　　《國家為什麼會失敗Why Nations Fail》讓我們理解，國之貧窮與苦難來自國家機器對菁英階層的偏袒，喪失其為

廣大眾人服務的核心價值。《The Narrow Corridor》帶我們更深入探索自由與國家、社會大眾的彼此競合。當如今自由之路日趨艱險難行，作者充滿關懷的文字，細緻的分析，幫助我們找回國家存在的意義，更提醒我們，自由如此美好又脆弱，每一個人都擁有責任與行動力影響國家，漫步在自由的道路之上。（文/博客來編譯） 　　From the authors of the international bestseller Why Nations Fail, a crucial new big-picture framework that answers the question of how libe

rty flourishes in some states but falls to authoritarianism or anarchy in others--and explains how it can continue to thrive despite new threats. 　　Liberty is hardly the "natural" order of things. In most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashe

d by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Liberty emerges only when a delicate and precarious balance is struck between state and society. 　　There is

a happy Western myth that political liberty is a durable construct, a steady state, arrived at by a process of "enlightenment." This static view is a fantasy, the authors argue; rather, the space to attain and maintain liberty stays open only via a fundamental and incessant struggle between state an

d society. The power of state institutions and the elites that control them has never gone uncontested in a free society. In fact, the capacity to contest them is the definition of liberty. State institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of the society change, and

thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this s

truggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a delicate balance between state and society, between economic, political and social elites and citizens, between institutions and norms. One side of the balance gets too strong, and as it has often happened in history, liberty b

egins to wane. Liberty depends on the vigilant mobilization of society. But it also needs state institutions to continuously reinvent themselves in order to meet new economic and social challenges that can easily close the space liberty needs to survive. 　　Today we are in the midst of a time of wre

nching destabilization. We need liberty more than ever, and yet the corridor to liberty is getting narrower and more treacherous. The danger on the horizon is not "just" the loss of our political freedom, however grim that is in itself; it is also to the prosperity and safety that critically depend

on liberty. The opposite of the corridor of liberty is the road to ruin. Review 　　“A well-written and argued treatise. . . . indispensable reading.” — Library Journal (starred review) 　　“Provocative and intuitively correct. An endlessly rewarding book.” —Kirkus (starred review)   　　“The Narrow Co

rridor takes us on a fascinating journey, across continents and through human history, to discover the critical ingredient of liberty. In these times, there can be no more important search—nor any more important book.” —George Akerlof, Nobel laureate in economics, 2001   　　“Liberty does not come eas

ily. Many populations suffer from ineffective governments and are stuck in a cage of norms and traditions. Others are subdued by a despotic Leviathan. In this highly original and gratifying fresco, Daron Acemoglu and Jim Robinson take us on a journey through civilizations across time and space. A re

markable achievement that only they could pull off and that seems destined to repeat the stellar performance of Why Nations Fail.” —Jean Tirole, Toulouse School of Economics, Nobel laureate in economics, 2014   　　“With gripping examples of civilizations that thrived or failed, Acemoglu and Robinson

provide an exhilarating analysis of the critical balance needed between state and society. The Narrow Corridor is destined to be the landmark book that maps the future of freedom for any serious policy maker[JA3] [MC4] , scholar, or citizen.” —Erik Brynjolfsson, coauthor of The Second Machine Age  

　　“One of the biggest paradoxes of political history is the trend, over the last 10,000 years, away from small tribes and toward the development of the strong centralized states that allow societies of millions to function. But—how can a powerful state be reconciled with liberty for its citizens? Th

is great book provides an answer to this fundamental dilemma. You will find it as enjoyable as it is thought-provoking.” —Jared Diamond, professor of geography at UCLA and Pulitzer Prize–winning author of Guns, Germs, and Steel   　　“How should we view the current challenges facing our democracies? T

his brilliant, timely book offers a simple, powerful framework for assessing alternative forms of social governance. The analysis is a reminder that it takes vigilance to maintain a proper balance between the state and society—to stay in the ‘narrow corridor’—and avoid falling into either statelessn

ess or [JA5] [MC6] dictatorship.” —Bengt Holmstrom, Nobel laureate in economics, 2016   　　“Two of the world’s best social scientists have written a magisterial book of immense insight and learning, a true tour de force. From its rich historical study of the delicate balance between state and society

it draws a chilling conclusion every thinking person should be aware of: Liberty is as rare as it is fragile, wedged uneasily between tyranny and anarchy.” —Joel Mokyr, author of A Culture of Growth   　　“Another outstanding, insightful book by Acemoglu and Robinson on the importance and difficulty

of getting and maintaining a successful democratic state. Packed with examples and analysis, it is a pleasure to read.” —Peter Diamond, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2010 Author 　　Daron Acemoglu is an Institute Professor at MIT. In 2005 he received the John Bates Clark Medal, given to economists

under age forty judged to have made the most significant contribution to economic thought and knowledge, in 2012 he was awarded the Erwin Plein Nemmers Prize in economics for work of lasting significance, and in 2016 he received the BBVA Frontiers of Knowledge Award in economics, finance, and manage

ment for his lifetime contributions. 　　James A. Robinson, a political scientist and economist, is one of nine University Professors at the University of Chicago. Focused on Latin America and Africa, he is currently conducting research in Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone,

Haiti, and Colombia, where he has taught for many years during the summer at the University of the Andes in Bogotá.

國家存在的意義進入發燒排行的影片

警察人員職務行為國家賠償責任之實證研究

為了解決國家存在的意義的問題，作者林國基 這樣論述：

一個法治國家存在的意義，乃在能依法行政，讓人民遵守法令，使社會治安變得更好，更有秩序，讓人民有所依靠，在生活中免於恐懼;而在執行法令部份，重擔大部份都落在警察的身上。警察依法令執行職務行為通常都是限制、干預、取締人民權益，警察職權行使易造成人民不服從的狀況，因此，時常發生糾紛或逃逸給警察尾追之情況，致當事人不注意而受傷或喪命，衍生出人民申請國賠。若獲判准國賠，對於整個警察團體而言，無疑是一種無形的傷害。而警察人員職權行使，以干涉人民自由或權利為大部份，目前站在第一線執法警察人員，若申請國賠的機制太過浮濫，無異對這些警察同仁又是另一種打擊而不是保護。警察人員在執行職務時，如何符合比例原則，這件

事情也是讓第一線執法的警察人員相當頭痛，當面對一個全然陌生的歹徒，可選擇勇敢的制服歹徒，或選擇不想面對讓他逃逸，兩者若需非擇一不可，不用考慮爾後產生國賠問題，當然一定選擇前者，所以一部優質的國家賠償法，這時就顯的相當的重要。國家賠償法有17條條文，從公布至今己經逾36個年頭未修正了，而修正草案於103年行政院通過之後，送立法院至今石沈大海，要如何加速修法，且將現行條文不足之處中修好，並增訂審核機制，及提高國賠申請之門檻，讓警察人員在執行職務時，能無後顧之憂大膽執法，除非過程中有故意違法或重大過失，才能申請國賠，如此一來才是國家和人民之福。本文探討重點在於警察職權行使，所發生國家賠償後之相關問題

，藉由國家賠償制度之意義、理論、基礎、內容，窺知國家責任體系，進而以近十年來法院相關判決來分析，針對法院判賠或不判賠的案件，並對其理由加以分析，並嘗試提出解決之途徑及方法，期望能提供警察機關預防及參考，建立更完善體制，讓全體警察人員，在行使職權時，非消極面對而是更積極面對。

The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty

為了解決國家存在的意義的問題，作者Daron Acemoglu,James A. Robinson 這樣論述：

　　《國家為什麼會失敗》作者──克拉克獎得主最新力作 　　自由不是一份張開雙手就能獲得的天賦之禮， 　　它存在於一條狹窄的長廊，建立國家與社會的力量彼此牽制相衡 　　我們深信自由享於世上每一個人類，無論表達、行動、選擇；自由意謂著我們不受其他人與力量的宰制，更無須時時生活於脅迫及恐懼的暗影之下。然而，綜觀人類數千年歷史，自由根本稱不上是與生俱來的天賦人權。勢微者難以和強權者抗衡，充滿衝突戰爭，受著種種文化陳俗的限制壓迫。 　　當人們尋找和平安定，逐步建立共識打造出國家，讓它調停紛爭，並實現個人一己之力所不能完成的建設、服務與制度。卻發現，國家是個善變而不穩定的制度，弱小的國家可能被其他

強國侵略，無力保護人民，讓日子墜回內亂動盪；強國，則可能走向獨裁並偏好權勢團體，侵害與無視人民的意志及福祉，使人們依然生活在壓迫之中。無論在哪一種狀態，自由都依然只是夢想。 　　兩位作者透過回溯過往的歷史，得出這條命題：自由，從不是從一條康莊大道翩來到，從此穩固安適，而是在國家與社會，兩者綿長而永不停歇的彼此拉鋸、牽制中而生。唯有在兩股力量之間尋得珍貴而脆弱的平衡，這條如履薄冰的窄道，就是自由所居之處。 　　破除西方樂觀的迷思──相信孕育於啟蒙時代，而今我們已建立完善的制度維繫國家與社會的力量平衡，為自由找到穩定的道路──作者認為這種說法過於不切實際。隨著世界不斷變遷進步，人民需求亦將不斷

改變，要求國家提供更好的體制、權力與更自由平等的生活；同樣，國家也因變化，要求人們提供更多資源與賦權，面對挑戰。在這兩相抗衡，雙方都會試圖茁壯，以持續在生存的窄道中佔一席之地，自由的脆弱，及它永遠處在進行式的本質，從中不辯自明。 　　檢視歷史上不同國家的制度建立和演變，為我們描繪出自由如何建立在國家與社會、經濟與政治、菁英與市民、部門與準則等各種關係的脆弱平衡中，其中不可少的關鍵要素，解析為何有些國家能持續在自由的狹廊中前行，又為何有些國家稍有不慎，便脫離其存在的窄道。 　　《國家為什麼會失敗Why Nations Fail》讓我們理解，國之貧窮與苦難來自國家機器對菁英階層的偏袒，喪失其為

廣大眾人服務的核心價值。《The Narrow Corridor》帶我們更深入探索自由與國家、社會大眾的彼此競合。當如今自由之路日趨艱險難行，作者充滿關懷的文字，細緻的分析，幫助我們找回國家存在的意義，更提醒我們，自由如此美好又脆弱，每一個人都擁有責任與行動力影響國家，漫步在自由的道路之上。（文/博客來編譯） Author 　　Daron Acemoglu is an Institute Professor at MIT. In 2005 he received the John Bates Clark Medal, given to economists under age fo

rty judged to have made the most significant contribution to economic thought and knowledge, in 2012 he was awarded the Erwin Plein Nemmers Prize in economics for work of lasting significance, and in 2016 he received the BBVA Frontiers of Knowledge Award in economics, finance, and management for his

lifetime contributions. 　　James A. Robinson, a political scientist and economist, is one of nine University Professors at the University of Chicago. Focused on Latin America and Africa, he is currently conducting research in Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Haiti, and C

olombia, where he has taught for many years during the summer at the University of the Andes in Bogotá.

我國警察職權行使與國賠責任之研究－以近年法院相關判決為中心

為了解決國家存在的意義的問題，作者蔡名翰 這樣論述：

國家依人民之意願而存在，國家存在的意義在於謀求人民之福祉，警察行使職權常是干預、取締、限制人民權益，警察職權行使易造成人民觀感不佳，常會躲避、逃跑給警察追之狀況發生，而引發違規者或犯罪者自己不注意而喪命或受傷，導致人民申請國賠，若獲准國賠，對於警察團體而言，無疑是種傷害，而警察人員執法大都為干涉行政，對於人民來說是侵犯其權益，在目前警察人員於實務上執法時，仍受到許多挑戰。警察人員在執行職務時，如何不得逾越必要程度，使得第一線執法的警察人員無法拿捏，在面對不願配合的歹徒，可以勇敢的制服歹徒，而不怕去面對爾後產生國賠問題，打擊警方士氣。若警察納入國家賠償法第13條之範疇內，警察人員執法過程中，必

須審判有罪的狀況下，才有申請國賠之要件，以增加申請國賠之門檻，並提升警察專業地位，相信警察人員於執法中，就能大膽執法，除非過程中有違法存在，才有申請國賠之可能。本文探討重點集中於現行我國警察職權行使，所發生國家賠償後之相關問題，藉由國家賠償制度之意義、理論、基礎、內容，窺知國家責任體系，進而分析目前我國現行有關警察發生國家賠償案件，以近期法院相關判決為中心，並嘗試提出解決之途徑及方法，期望能供作為實務參考，建立更完善之保障體制，已使警察行使職權能夠更積極，而非消極面對。